Biographies

Samedi 3 juillet 2010 6 03 /07 /Juil /2010 18:09
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Written by Prince News Jul 3, 2010

EXPOSED!
•Rwandan war financier’s dirty business deal in Nigeria
By EMMANUEL MAYAH
 Saturday, July 03, 2010
•Nkunda: The butcher of Congo
Like a predator, he is always on the prowl, walking in the shadows – sometimes of the valley of death. His name is Tribert Ayabatwa Rujugiro. In many countries, his reputation precedes him. If there is anything like ‘International Mr. Fix-It,’ that sobriquet would go to this Rwandan, a tobacco tycoon with the mentality of an octopus. Rujugiro is also a suspected war financier. And now, he has opened shop in Nigeria.
At some point in the protracted conflict in Congo, Rujugiro became a pain in the neck for the United Nations, as detailed report directly linked the tycoon with rebel leader, General Laurent Nkunda. However, for the billionaire businessman, whose activities in Nigeria are now the subject of vociferous debates, controversy and wheeling dealing appear to be a way of life.
Until his reign of terror was punctuated, Laurent Nkunda was a dreaded warlord, notorious for turning a sizable part of Congo into killing fields. In the heat of the war in Democratic Republic of Congo, a UN Security Council Panel Report on Sanctions revealed that Rujugiro regularly held meetings with leaders of the rebel group, CNDP, including General Nkunda, at his farm in Kilolirwe. Rujugiro is from North Kivu province. He is known to have been an important backer of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) during the Rwandan civil war of 1990-1994. Among other things, the panel obtained a paper copy of an e-mail from Rujugiro, dated 28 August 2007, thanking a Dubai-based employee for making the necessary arrangements to pay $120,000 to cover the salaries of the “soldiers” for “our friend Laurent N.”
An electronic copy of another e-mail sent from Rujugiro to Rene Munya, a South African associate, showed the tycoon asked Munya to clarify the identity of some financial transactions sent by a “friend” notorious for using multiple identities. Meanwhile, while he was fuelling the war in DR Congo, Rujugiro quietly was entering a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Nigerian government.
$7.4 million fraud
Two years ago, Tribert Rujugiro breathed air of freedom, after a one-year house arrest in London. Since November 2006, the Rwandan businessman has been having a running battle with the South African government, which, in June 2008, got the British authorities to arrest him. Rujugiro had become a caged man, after his tobacco firm was shut over fraud charges. Three years ago, officials of South African Revenue Services (SARS) halted all operations at Rujugiro’s Mastermind tobacco company, in Wilsonia following a $7.4 million fraud case. While closing a manufacturing facility was considered unusual in South Africa, the severity of the fraud charges was said to have left the SARS with no choice.
Before the London arrest, South Africa had been building charges against the company’s three Rwandan directors: Tribert Ayabatwa, Patrick Rujugiro, Jean-Paul Nkwaya, and two senior employees – import/export manager Jennifer Putter and financial manager Pascale Wiehahn. Jointly, the five faced 25 counts of fraud relating to non-payment of excise duties, 25 charges of illegally exporting goods from the Customs and Excise warehouse, six charges relating to the non-payment of Value Added Tax, and a charge of irregular dealing in goods. Since the early 1990s, Rujugiro’s company, Mastermind Tobacco SA Ltd, has manufactured cigarette brands such as Yes, Forum and Legends, for both local and international markets.
As detailed in court papers, Rujugiro’s business style saw his company passing off local cigarette sales as exports in order to obtain a zero-rating VAT. Through under-invoicing, cigarettes distributed locally were for years under-declared to revenue officials, all resulting in the revenue service receiving less in excise duties and VAT. When the company was found out, the South Africans did not find it funny. Under the law in the former apartheid colony, products manufactured in South Africa and destined for export attracts a zero VAT. This means that no tax is payable to the South Africa Revenue Service, in respect of sales to foreign customers and the products are also exempt from South Africa excise taxes.
One year after his arrest, Rujugiro, who somehow managed to beat off extradition, wangled his release after his company entered a guilty plea to the charges of fraud and tax evasion. To avoid jail, the Rwandan agreed to a settlement that saw him paying immediately $368,000 to the South African government. Judge David Van Zyl of East London High Court in South Africa on June 5, 2009 ordered Mastermind Tobacco SA Ltd to remit the remaining $7.0 million by June 2010. Under the guilty plea, Rujugiro must pay $3.3 million within seven days of the court’s ruling, and the balance in monthly installments of $307,200, starting on or before July 1, 2009.
Judge Zyl also imposed a fine of 250 million rand ($30.7 million) on the company, but suspended it for five years on the condition that Mastermind pays the balance amount and is not convicted during this period for any contravention of the VAT Act, the Customs and Excise Act or fraud. The judge thereafter ruled that UK immigration officials returned his Rwandan passport. Hours later, a defiant Rujugiro was telling Radio Rwanda in a live interview from his London home that all charges had been dropped because they had been proved baseless.
A piece of cake
But for Rujugiro’s one-year travail in London and the persistence of the South African government to bring him to justice, the activities of the Rwandan in Nigeria might never have come to light. Investigation by Saturday Sun revealed that Rujugiro, reputed for preying on the economy of vulnerable countries, like the conflict-prone Democratic Republic of Congo, has, for some years now, been operating in Nigeria. Indeed, if the UK and South Africa proved not to be unwilling hosts to Rujugiro, Nigeria, as events would show, was, from the very beginning, a piece of cake for the Rwandese.
In 2003, Rujugiro’s company, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited, submitted to the Federal Government of Nigeria a $57 million investment proposal to set up a factory in Nigeria for the manufacture and production of Yes, Supermatch and Forum brand of cigarettes. The factory, which was to be built within three years, was to be jointly owned by Leaf Tobacco & Commodities of British Virgin Island, Bauro Trading BVI and British Virgin Island.
The Federal Government considered and entered a MoU with Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited. Among other things, a three-year import concession was granted to the company, effective August 31, 2004. Like most manufacturing concerns, the idea was to attract foreign investment, expand local capacities and content and generate employment. For this, Leaf Tobacco was granted concession, which permitted it to enjoy 60 percent waiver in the importation of Yes cigarette, machinery, vehicles, raw materials and just about every other thing essential for the establishing as well as the running of the manufacturing concern. Basically, the concession to import cigarette for three years was aimed at guaranteeing a ready market for its products by the time local production would have commenced. The MoU equally dwelt on the contribution to community health schemes, satisfactory and regular interface with host communities, provision of such amenities as potable water and generally showing good corporate citizenship.
Investigation revealed that years after the concession was granted to Rujugiro’s company, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited has continued to import Yes cigarette from Dubai without paying any attention to its obligation to the Nigerian government. Obviously picking out only what suits it, the company continued to import tobacco and enjoys waiver. Three years after, no factory is seen standing; no production activity is going on anywhere; no foreign capital had been put into the Nigerian economy; no employment has been generated, and no dialogue has been entered into with rural host communities. Besides activities at its various warehouses, where tobacco imports are stored, works at its factory, along Abuja-Kaduna expressway, were generally handled at snail pace.
Angered by the long and brazen disregard of the MoU, the Federal Government, in the third quarter of 2007, withdrew all trading concessions to Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited. Shortly after this period, there came a string of allegations of illicit importations of the Yes product through land borders. There were also allegations of under-invoicing and counterfeiting, all culminating in a raid and seizure, at Ibadan, by the Consumer Protection Council (CPC). Mrs. Ngozika Obidike, CPC’s Head of Investigation & Regulation, told Saturday Sun that cartons of Yes cigarette were confiscated because they were found not to be carrying the Nigerian health warning on their label.
Elsewhere in Rwanda, Rujugiro was not idle. The tycoon, who was one of the closest advisors of President Paul Kagame, was part of a new initiative called Rwandan Investment Group (RIG), a private investment company created by some 43 local investors. Created in September 2006 and possibly modelled after Nigeria’s Transcorp, with enormous government patronage, RIG, headed, of course, by Rujugiro, was investing in extraction of methane gas in Lake Kivu, in the western part of Rwanda, silk and cement production, maintenance of Kigali industrial park and peat extraction. The same company was also targeting a pharmaceutical industry in the southern province shortly after the acquisition of the only state owned cement factory located in the western part of the country. Rujugiro is one of the four investors that control 70 percent of RIG shares, thus throwing only 30 percent to 41 others.
In April 2001, the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo, had Rujugiro’s name on their list. The Rwandese owns or has stakes in numerous businesses in Africa and the Middle East, including in the tobacco, construction, real estate and banking sectors.
Middle of nowhere
Back in Nigeria, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Nig. Ltd was taking steps towards damage control. The Rwandan billionaire got the withdrawal reversed and the concession extended by pledging a new corporate attitude that everyone hoped would fast-track work at the factory and improve the company’s commitment to its obligations. Indeed, the factory, located in Gbakura in Kagarko Local Government Area of Kaduna State, could be said to be in the middle of nowhere. Located in a hamlet on the Suleja-Kaduna road, it commenced production in 2008. It may as well be a step calculated to fulfill all righteousness, given that the factory’s output evidently was not satisfying the company’s market share. So far, importation has not stopped.
Documents obtained by Saturday Sun showed that in the eight months, between October 2008 and June 2009, a total of 55 containers of Yes cigarette were imported into Nigeria using the land borders. Each contained 1, 080 cases of Yes. While 48 containers came in through the Cotonou port, seven were imported using Lome port in Togo. A random sampling showed that on October 1, 2008, three containers, with numbers KNLU 10676-3, MSKU 881021-4 and MSKU 048471-8 and each laden with 1, 080 cases of Yes cigarette destined for Nigeria, were conveyed out of the Cotonou port by three trucks with registration numbers: 8C 5025/3591 RN, 8F 9247/7408 RN and 8B 8704/05 RN.
The same month Yes products were dispatched from the same port again on the October 17. In the following month of November, dates of dispatch were on the 3rd and 16th. while in December, the dates were 5th, 11th and 15th. The last consignment for the year 2008, carried Yes International loaded in container No. MSKU 9724764 and was conveyed by a truck with registration number AF 9781/A5383 RB.
In January 2009, Yes consignments were dispatched from Cotonou on the 5th, 10th, 21st, and 22nd. Then in February, five containers were dispatched on 11th; two, on 20th and one on 21st. On March 1, one container came in through Lome port, in container number MSKU 963488. Through Cotonou, two containers were dispatched on 6th, while four were dispatched on the 14th of the same month. Two containers were dispatched on April 21 from Togo, while four arrived from Cotonou on 22nd. On May 5, another container of Yes arrived from Togo; two more came from Cotonou on 11th, with another arriving on 21st of the same month. By mid June, three containers of Yes cigarette had arrived from Lome, one on the 7th and two on the 15th.
In an effort to track Rujugiro’s activities in Nigeria, this reporter, last year, paid his first visit to Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Nig. Ltd. The first shocking discovery was that after seven years of operation in Nigeria, the company had no visible corporate head office. Though the company’s official address read: Plot 645, Ndola Square, Off Michael Okpara Way, Wuse Zone 5, Abuja, the address was practically non-existent. There was no building in that neighbourhood with such an address as Plot 645. While one could easily see various offices, like the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), other corporate entities housed by Shippers Plaza, searching for Leaf Tobacco was like looking for a pin in a haystack. It took another day of long search for the reporter to discover that officials of this tobacco company operated from a residential building close to Ibro Hotel, the opposite side of Michael Okpara Way.
When this reporter visited Leaf Tobacco’s factory along Suleja-Kaduna expressway, more shocks awaited him. Save for a few artisans around, the facility was desolate. There was no work going on in the factory. The production manager, Mr. Dondogori Donatien, who is from Burundi, was not on duty. Another expatriate, Francois Nahayo, had been transferred to another Rujugiro’s factory in South Africa. It was gathered that on account of raw material shortages, production had been halted for two weeks. Some workers had been laid off and those still hanging on were told to take a two-week break without pay. The works of the contractors were also found to be on hold.
The contractors had been engaged to do several things, including laying a new roof. They too had no materials to work with; though they were optimistic the materials would arrive soon. One of the contractor’s men revealed that the factory “is not even half-finished.” None of the workers had any idea what capacity the factory was producing before the machines went silent. For everyone, it was difficult to say where the Yes cigarettes in the market were coming from: the Gbakura factory or far-away Dubai? The same question was being asked in respect of a batch of bad cigarettes withdrawn from the market and dumped at the factory storeroom. Sources within the factory, who could not say whether the bad cigarettes were manufactured in the factory or imported, revealed that the company was waiting for the Customs to see the bad batch before it can be destroyed.
Last month, on a second visit to Leaf Tobacco, this reporter saw that some workers had been called back. However, production was said to be skeletal. Meanwhile, the resumed production is drawing the ire of the host community. A youth leader, Isah Namji, told Saturday Sun: “Whenever the machines are switched on, smoke that is harsh to the eyes drift from the factories into our homes. Some of our brothers employed in the factory have told us that the bad smoke is coming from the tobacco leaves processed inside the factory. Everyone is affected by this smoke; including schoolchildren.”
It was gathered that unlike in the past when processed tobacco leaves were imported, the leaves were now being processed in Nigeria. The youth leader further disclosed that just as there is no single project to be pointed at as Leaf Tobacco’s corporate social responsibility, the company is so insensitive to the extent that when poor villagers go to the factory to fetch water, they are chased away. An angry Isah said: “We don’t have anybody to fight for us. Our Village Head by name Danlami Sheayisimi is not educated; the councilor representing us, Mr. Elisha Baba, has been going there to talk to them but he is not very powerful to handle the matter.”
At the factory gate, the reporter requested to see Mr. Dondogori Donatien. He was directed to the amorphous Abuja office. Weeks later, in a telephone interview with this reporter, the Burundian denied receiving any complaint from the villagers. He said there was no smoke and no environmental pollution. In his words: “How can there be smoke coming from the factory? To show you that it is all lies, we are not producing any tobacco in Nigeria. All our products are imported.”
Pressed to comment on the status of cigarettes allegedly trucked to Cameroun and if what was going on in Nigeria was not a repeat of the South African experience, Mr. Donatien said the reporter was wasting his time.
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Par Editions Sources du Nil - Publié dans : Biographies
Mardi 3 août 2010 2 03 /08 /Août /2010 09:07
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Written by ROBERT MUKOMBOZI

The Observer  

Monday, 02 August 2010 06:19



Jailed twice over alleged indiscipline, desertion and insubordination, PATRICK KAREGEYA was stripped of his rank of Colonel. The former Rwandan intelligence chief later fled to exile in 2007. He spoke to ROBERT MUKOMBOZI late last month about his fallout with President Kagame, escape, and life in South Africa. Before delving into Rwandan issues, could you explain your role in the NRA rebellion?

I was born in Mbarara, Uganda, to a refugee family. I can’t remember how many primary schools I went through in Uganda. I finally earned my Bachelor of Law degree at Makerere University. It was a period of political upheaval; so, after university I started recruiting youth for NRA, but I was later arrested in June 1982 and charged with treason. I spent three years in Luzira Prison. Later, I managed to join [President] Museveni in Luweero until we finally liberated Uganda.     

You were in the NRA, so how did you start planning the Rwanda liberation struggle?

It is true at the time of planning the Rwanda liberation struggle, I was an active officer in the NRA [now Uganda People’s Defence Forces]. Meetings were held at my private residence in Muyenga, Kampala. President Paul Kagame and the late Fred Rwigyema were part of those meetings, including others who are now senior leaders and army officers in the Rwandan government. At that time I was a lieutenant in military intelligence (serving as an assistant Director-Counter Intelligence in the Directorate of Military Intelligence). I was co-ordinating intelligence over a very wide area before any decision to invade Rwanda could be made. My spy network was widespread across Africa and overseas. My colleague (Paul Kagame) went to the United States for further studies and he was later informed that we had already invaded Rwanda. Museveni was very instrumental in the planning and subsequent invasion of Rwanda. He supported us and did not hamper any of our missions and agenda; he only asked for our cooperation and we were very cooperative.

What was most challenging in your career as a spy chief, especially in the struggle to liberate Rwanda?

Coordinating intelligence during war is very intricate, particularly in a scenario where you are dealing with insurgents, the perpetrators of genocide.
The government did not have structures and that means it didn’t have an intelligence structure as well. We went ahead and coordinated the return of thousands of Rwandans who had been displaced by the 1994 genocide but among them were ex-FAR and Interahamwe. The massive infiltration caught us off guard. It was very challenging but we built an intelligence structure which was very formidable and successful.  

You said Museveni was very supportive but you were instrumental in killing his soldiers during the DR Congo (Kisangani) clashes between the RPA and UPDF between 1998 and 2003.


It is true I co-ordinated intelligence during that war but the DR Congo issues are very complicated. Fighting the enemy you know (the UPDF) was especially very challenging but inevitable because we had both deployed.

Now [President] Kagame says he will track you down for masterminding terrorist attacks in Kigali. What do you have to say about that?

I am actually disappointed in him. First of all, terrorism is just a political tool used by all dictators to deal with their opponents due to the weight the international community has attached to this charge. That is just blackmail.
He [Kagame] has created a lot of divisions in the army. There were wild allegations that I had problems with the Chief of General Staff [Gen. James Kabareebe] but he [Kagame] was actually the man behind all these fabricated charges of insubordination and desertion.
I remember when he [Kagame] was being called and asked where I should be jailed. Even the army wasn’t sure about which charges they should prefer against me and where I should be jailed. For all the jail terms I served in Rwanda, the army, under orders of the commander-in-chief, detained me in solitary confinement, not allowing any family member or friend to visit me, which is extreme psychological torture going by the international human rights conventions. All the orders were coming direct from Kagame.     
All these are political tools that Kagame uses to silence his opponents. I have actually stopped responding to Kagame’s accusations because it is a waste of time.     
We fought for the liberation of Rwanda so that Rwandans can enjoy peace and be delivered from dictatorship but we have not seen that. A dictator can never step down, they are brought down. It’s only Rwandans who can stand up now and fight for their freedom. Kagame will have his breaking point and I think it will be very soon.
There is no one who will come to save Rwandans from the dictatorship of Kagame and there is no time to fold hands. They should stand up to him and say look; we are tired, you have to go. Obviously some will lose their lives in the process but those who will die will have lost life for a worthy cause, and I am prepared to support Rwandans who want to fight the dictatorship of Paul Kagame.      

How do you explain the mysterious death of Col. Rezinde in 1996 and former Internal Security Minister Seth Sendashonga on May 16, 1998, both of whom were assassinated under your watch as the Director, External Intelligence?

It is not only Col. Rezinde and Sendashonga who died mysteriously around that time. Many people, especially politicians, died under mysterious circumstances. I can’t say I don’t have information regarding those cases, but Kagame was the boss so he is in a better position to explain those assassinations and mysterious disappearances of people. Families of people who lost their relatives and friends in mysterious circumstances have the right to seek answers from Kagame and if they want they can go ahead and institute a legal measure because they have the right to know what happened. When time comes for me to present my version of information, I am prepared to do that.

Rwanda’s Prosecutor General has written to the South African government saying security and judicial organs are in possession of evidence implicating you and Lt. Gen. Nyamwasa in acts of terrorism and grenade attacks. Are you prepared for extradition?


All those are fabricated and baseless charges. They are saying we bombed Kigali but we both know this is not true, but let me remind the Rwandan government that they have no extradition treaty with South Africa. I and my colleague (Gen. Nyamwasa) are in South Africa legally. We are both lawyers and we have secured political asylum, and we are well aware that no amount of political pressure can change this fact. In fact, we have waited for the Rwandan government to take legal action but we haven’t heard anything from them. We will not even need anyone to represent us in courts of law on this matter because it is a simple case that is politically motivated. We will meet in court. There is no evidence whatsoever that links us to the bombing in Kigali.

Are you safe in South Africa after the recent attempt on Gen. Nyamwasa’s life?

We have political asylum in South Africa and we will remain here. Proximity is very important. If Kagame had remained in the United States [During the 1990-94 liberation struggle and after], he would not be the Rwanda president today.    

You sneaked out of the country dramatically in November 2007, how did you beat the security?

The way I managed to slip out of the hands of Rwanda’s security apparatus is still my secret. Besides, if I reveal those details I may be blocking the way for others who want to escape from Kagame’s oppressive regime. I know of so many people in Rwanda who would want to use the same route but their day hasn’t come yet and I do not want to be their obstruction.     

Robert Mukombozi is currently studying for a
master’s in Journalism and Mass Communication at Griffith University, Australia.


PROFILE: Patrick Karegeya

1960 - Born to late John Kanimba and Jane Kenshoro, a refugee Rwandan family in Mbarara district.

1982 – Graduated with a Law degree from Makerere University.

1990 - Served in the Directorate of Military Intelligence in Uganda and later became the coordinator of intelligence services for rebel RPA.  

1994 - 2004 – Director General, External Intelligence in the RPA/Rwanda Defence Forces.      

2004 - Serving as Rwanda Defence Forces spokesman, he was arrested and detained for “indiscipline” .

2006 – Stripped of his military rank of Colonel on July 13, 2006 by the military tribunal.
2007- Flees to exile.

. Married to Leah and they have a daughter and two sons.

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Par Editions Sources du Nil - Publié dans : Biographies
Samedi 7 août 2010 6 07 /08 /Août /2010 08:19
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Who is Paul Kagame?

The Uganda Record

Vol. 1 Issue No. 69        Saturday August 7, 2010

Last night, Tuesday July 20, the Uganda Record received a distress call from J. B. Gasasira, the editor of the banned Rwandan Kinyarwanda-language newspaper Umuvugizi.

Gasasira, in hiding in a safe house somewhere in Kampala, said he has recently got credible information and signals that suggest that Rwandan President Paul Kagame is determined to hunt him down and eliminate him.

The acting editor of Umuvugizi, Jean-Leonard Rugambage, was shot dead in front of his home in Kigali on June 24.

Gasasira said Kagame has been sending his intelligence agents to Kampala, partly to try and persuade Gasasira to return to Rwanda and partly to kill him. He says the latest method being considered by Kagame's agents is to have him poisoned.

World news media in recent months has been dominated by reports of state-inspired assassinations and attempted assassinations of prominent Rwandans, including Rugambage, the former army chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, André Kagwa Rwisereka, the vice chairman of the opposition Democratic Green Party, and Denis Ntare, a former chief of staff of the Tutsi rebel leader Laurent Nkunda.

The latest spate of assassinations and attempts in President Paul Kagame's Rwanda have come as a surprise to western and African commentators only because amid all the positive media reporting on Rwanda since 1994, they scarcely asked questions about many such incidents spread over two decades since 1990.

Kagame's trail of murder and genocide

The article on the Wikipedia online encyclopedia on Kagame leaves out many key details on him, thus leaving the reader with an incomplete picture of one of the most prominent guerrilla leaders in Africa over the last 25 years.

The Uganda Record will attempt to render a more complete picture.

Paul Rutagambwa Kagame was born on Oct. 23, 1957 in Ruhango, Rwanda to Deogratius and Asteria Rutagambwa.

He is reportedly from the Abaganza clan of the Tutsi, although other sources say he is from the Abega clan. Kagame's home area is said by some sources to be Gitarama, while his wife, Jeanette Nyiramongi Kagame, is from Gikongoro.

In 1962, the Rutagambwa family, along with thousands of other Tutsi refugees, fled Rwanda following an aborted Tutsi uprising against the mainly Hutu independence government of Rwanda. They were re-located to the Gahunge refugee camp in the then Toro district of western Uganda.

Kagame attended Rwengoro Primary School in Kamwenge in the then Toro district of western Uganda. Kagame speaks fluent Rutooro, the language of the Batooro tribe.

After his primary school education, he was moved to the Nakivaale refugee camp in Ankole, in western Uganda. Kagame also enrolled in the leading secondary school in Ankole at the time, Ntare School.

While the date he joined Ntare is unclear, it can be assumed to have been about 1970 or 1971.

Most of Kagame's publicly-known life story jumps from his Ntare School days to his joining Yoweri Museveni's Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) guerrilla group in 1979.

Much of the period from about 1975 to 1979 is left as a blank space. It is one of several passages in Kagame's life that he keeps out of the public domain. For example, the Kagame life story as it is publicly known stresses Ntare School but is silent on his period as a student at Old Kampala Secondary School.

In the mid 1990s, a Ugandan journalist who attempted to write a biography on Kagame had all his materials and photographs seized by Rwandan intelligence agents on behalf of the then Vice President Kagame.

In or about 1976, Kagame joined the Uganda Police force, something he has been careful to keep out of the public's knowledge. Information gathered from a source on Dec. 13, 2008 states that in that period, Kagame lived in the northern Ugandan town of Gulu along with many other Tutsis.

The source believes they were working as spies on behalf of Museveni's FRONASA. Considering how many FRONASA men had been infiltrated into Idi Amin's State Research Bureau national intelligence agency in the 1970s and Kagame's penchant for intelligence and other covert work, the Uganda Record can only speculate whether Kagame as a Uganda Police officer might have doubled as a State Research Bureau operative as well.

In Feb. 1979, when the Tanzania-Uganda war reached Mbarara town in western Uganda, Kagame joined FRONASA, or openly joined FRONASA. What Kagame did under FRONASA between 1979 and 1980 or where he was based or deployed is also not clear or public.

Kagame's ruthlessness

He emerges again in the records as one of the "original 27" or "original 36" or "original 41" men that Museveni says he invaded the Kabamba Infantry Training School with on Feb. 6, 1981 as a new guerrilla force known as the Popular Resistance Army (PRA).

During that Feb. 6, 1981 attack, three PRA guerrillas Hannington Mugabi, Jack Muchunguzi, and Paul Kagame received slight injuries.

After the PRA merged with the Uganda Freedom Fighters of the former President Yusufu Lule on June 9, 1981 to form the National Resistance Army (NRA), Kagame was appointed to head the NRA tribunal in Luwero Triangle.

This tribunal executed captured soldiers of the UNLA government army and tried and executed NRA guerrillas suspected of being agents of the UPC government of Milton Obote. Rather than use bullets for the firing squad, the NRA used small, blunt hoes called "Akafuni" to bludgeon their victims in the head.

Kagame's ruthlessness earned him the nickname "Plato" among his fellow NRA guerrillas.

When the NRA cut off western Uganda in Aug. 1985 following the military coup that overthrew the Obote government, Kagame was transferred to the NRA's new headquarters in Fort Portal town.

In Aug. 1985, the NRA hijacked a Uganda Airlines Fokker Friendship F-27 aircraft after it landed at the airfield as Kasese town, about 74km west of Fort Portal. It was Kagame whom the NRA charged with handling the hijack.

Coordinating the hijack from Entebbe International Airport had been NRA guerrillas Winnie Byanyima and Lt. Fred Mwesigye who was a secret NRA guerrilla but working as a UNLA intelligence officer based in Entebbe.

In this same period in 1985, the NRA set up a roadblock at the Katunguru bridge area along the Kasese-Mbarara road in the Queen Elizabeth National Park in western Uganda.

The UNLA sent a contingent of soldiers to reinforce Kasese town. These UNLA troops then traveled in trailers to the area.

The troops were ambushed and surrounded by the NRA at the Katunguru roadblock. The NRA officer, Paul Kagame, ordered the trailers to be locked up with all the UNLA soldiers inside.

Several days later, a major stench came out of the trailers and when it was opened, the decomposing bodies of the UNLA soldiers lay on the floors.

Kagame at the NRA's Military Intelligence Directorate

After the NRA seized state power in 1986, Kagame was deployed at the Military Intelligence headquarters at Basiima House as an intelligence officer.

He rose in office to become the head of administration in the Directorate of Military Intelligence. He shared an office cubicle with another NRA intelligence officer, Aronda Nyakirima. Contrary to a widely-held belief, Kagame has never been the director of Military Intelligence in Uganda but only the head of administration in Military Intelligence.

As director of administration in the NRA's Military Intelligence, an NRA intelligence officer, Lt. Kenneth Kanyogonya, recalls an incident in which he, Kanyogonya, investigated an NRA officer called Alex who had brought into Uganda a machine that printed fake bank notes.

Kanyogonya had Alex arrested and he reported the case to Kagame. That afternoon, Kagame ordered the release of Alex and sharply rebuked Kanyogonya, ordering him to leave matters alone that were none of his business.

Lt. Kanyogonya, today a Kampala businessman, says he marvels when he reads and hears the many reports that portray Paul Kagame as "incorruptible."

In 1990, the army sent Kagame to the United States' military college at Fort Leavenworth for advanced military instruction.

Intrigue and murder within the RPF

Late in Oct. 1990, more than three weeks into the invasion of Rwanda by a Tutsi-led guerrilla force, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), a mutiny or infighting of some form took place.

The overall commander of the RPA invaders, Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema, was shot dead in the back of his head, reportedly by a clique in the RPA led by Maj. Dr. Peter Bayingana, Maj. Chris Bunyenyezi and Maj. Frank Munyaneza.

Hundreds of RPA guerrillas were massacred by their fellow RPA guerrillas and their bodies thrown into the Akagera River. It was the first report of bodies floating down the Akagera River.

After Rwigyema's death, Maj. Gen. Salim Saleh, the former army commander and younger brother to Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, personally took Kagame to the RPA headquarters inside Rwanda whereupon Kagame took charge of the shattered force and reorganised it.

In its early days, the RPF --- the political and administrative wing of the RPA --- tried to allay fears of Rwanda's Hutu majority that the RPF was a Tutsi force bent on seizing power and installing a Tutsi-only regime.

A number of Hutu, including a Col. Alexis Kanyarengwe were recruited and given prominent positions in the RPF. Kanyarengwe, a former Rwandan army officer who had fallen out with and been jailed by President Juvenal Habyarimana, was named the RPF's Chairman.

However, on May 17, 1991, John Shyirambere Barahinyura, head of Information and Research, RPF and a Hutu, resigned from the RPF "after finding out that RPF has no other intentions for Rwanda other than being in power."

In his statement of resignation, Barahinyura said: "Nobody can take orders from Kanyarengwe without first asking Paul Kagame."

On Jan. 29, 1991, a Kampala newsletter, The Shariat, reported that Kagame had been injured in fighting in Rwanda or in some kind of assassination attempt.

"Lt. Col. Paul Kagame the man who succeeded the late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema as the overall Commander of R.PA is missing. According to reliable sources, Lt. Col. Paul Kagame was seriously injured and was quietly taken to a military hospital abroad. But it is not known whether Lt. Col. Paul Kagame was shot by fellow R.P.A soldiers or by the enemy (Rwandese government soldiers). After the incident Lt. Col. Kanyarengwe was immediately appointed overall commander of R.P.A and Chairman R.P.F," The Shariat reported.

On July 28, 1991, the deputy commander of the RPA at the time of its invasion of Rwanda on Oct. 1, 1990, Lt. Col. Adam Wasswa, died in a car accident at Lyantonde town in south-central Uganda where he and Kagame were in the same Toyota Landcruiser traveling for an RPF High Command meeting inside Rwanda. A one Captain Kairangwa also died in the accident.

Adam Wasswa's family lived in Mbarara and he had been recruited into FRONASA in 1979 by Yoweri Museveni. Wasswa was a Rwandan Tutsi royal and was close to and supported the ambitions of the ousted Rwandan King Kigeli V.

The Citizen newspaper of Kampala commented on Jan. 3, 1991: "The Rwandese Patriotic Front which stormed Rwanda on October 1, 1990…are said to be tied up in a historical power struggle. Reports reaching The Citizen say that RPF is divided on three ethnic groupings within the Tutsi tribe. It is alleged that among the Tutsi there are three different groups each with its own objectives.

"The groups are referred to as Abega, Abanyiginya and the commoners. It is further alleged that Abanyiginya are the true Kings of Rwanda…Reports further say that after the death of the top three commanders, Major Paul Kagame who is said to be from the Abega group took over leadership, which is said to be unacceptable to the Abanyiginya led by Kigeli the last king of Rwanda and Major Adam Wasswa. It is alleged that [the] King Kigeli group has played a very significant role disorganising the RPF, distorting the whole cause to a mere power struggle...On [the] Uganda side,it is reported that from Kamwezi through Kishuro hills down Kahondo valleys [valley] insecurity is on the increase."

A strong rumour had persisted among Rwanda's Tutsi ever since Adam Wasswa's death that he was, in fact, killed by Kagame and he did not die in a car accident. However there are no independent details to confirm or refute this belief.

Rose Kabuye's revelations about the RPF's methods and beliefs

In 1993, for reasons not clear, Kagame ordered the arrest and jailing of Lt. Rose Kabuye, one of the most prominent female RPF guerrillas. She spent a year in the RPF jail.

Kabuye had left Uganda as a Lieutenant in the NRA at the time of the Oct. 1, 1990 invasion. She was one of the RPF officers involved in the preparations and discussions that became the Arusha II peace talks in 1993 in Arusha, Tanzania.

One part of the RPF prison was called the "university", for those prisoners condemned to die. Kabuye was in the prison designated for senior RPF officers.

Kabuye, during her detention, told her guards that during the Arusha peace talks with Habyarimana's government she personally pushed for the RPF to be given the Ministry of Internal Affairs even if it did not get any other ministry.

The RPF felt that the Interior ministry controlled all the vital grassroots local government institutions they needed to reach the common people.

She handled logistical and administrative work in Mbarara for the RPA during the first weeks of the October 1990 invasion.

Kabuye, while in prison, said that one of the strategic plans of the exiled Tutsis after 1959 was to select beautiful girls to marry rich Ugandans. Then once they got children, the Tutsi women would discreetly poison their Ugandan husbands and inherit the money and property.

Some of the money was to be used to educate the young refugees in camps in Uganda. That is why, said Kabuye to her guards, most beautiful Tutsi women in Uganda are almost all widows.

RPF takeover and Paul Kagame's reign of terror

The RPF guerrillas took power in Kigali in July 1994 in an assault on the capital led by Col. William Bagire and the field operation commanded by Lt. Col. Stephen Ndugute. Ndugute had been a Marine in the 1970s Uganda Army of President Idi Amin.

Kagame was named Vice President and Chairman of the RPA High Command. Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro, who today is director of Rwandan state security, the National Security Service, was the spokesman of Maj. Gen. Kagame.

In the parts of Rwanda that the RPF rebels controlled in 1992 to 1993, massacres of Hutu civilians were widely known but little reported in the major western news media. A man called Rubulika Kayongo was the Mayor of Kyaruhogo; he and a Colonel Twahirwa Dodo coordinated these killings with hoes in the area. Kagame selected them to coordinate the massacres because of their ruthlessness.

Massacres of Hutu and seizure of their land continued after the RPF took power. At an army barracks at Karangazi, Hutus killed were concealed in a pit in the barracks covered by wooden boards. The barracks is located in the middle of a wooded and forested area.

As vice president and Minister of Defence, Kagame used to visit the Karangazi army barracks and he knew about the massacre of the Hutu there.

According to Maj. Furuma Alphonse, a former officer of RPF, in an open letter to President Kagame, "From the time Arusha Peace Agreement was being negotiated up to as late as 1996, you [Kagame] carried out a deliberate policy of using all means possible to reduce the Hutu population in the Umutara, Kibungo and Bugesera regions".

These Hutu areas were deliberately resettled by Tutsi returnees from Uganda, Tanzania and Burundi respectively. Families of many top RPF leaders are among those who were resettled here.

In 1995, Sixbert Musangamfura, a former director of Rwanda's intelligence services, issued a statement to the press in Nairobi, Kenya saying he had information on the killings of 312,726 Hutu who were then buried in over 300 graves.

Theoneste Majoro Lizinde, a Hutu who joined the RPA about a year before they took power, became the Commandant of the RPA's General Headquarters. It was he who actually planned the RPA war in detail in its final phase.

After the RPF formed a government, he was part of the army but later fled to Nairobi after falling out with the government.

A sergeant called Jean Pierre of the RPA's Directorate of Military Intelligence was dispatched by the Director of the RPA's Military Intelligence, Lt. Col. Jackson Rwahama, to search for Lizinde in Nairobi.

Jean Pierre was a Rwandan Tutsi who had grown up in Mushiha in Burundi. Lizinde was then gunned down in Nairobi by Jean Pierre and other Kagame's agents.

A Hutu and former Interior Minister under the RPF, Seth Sedashonga, at that time in exile in Nairobi and who also was to be gunned down on Kagame's orders, told the British newspaper the Sunday Express whom he thought could have killed Lizinde.

"There is no doubt who sent the assassins. A Rwandan diplomat was arrested nearby, carrying a pistol. So why should Protector Kagame want to kill his former colleagues in the rebel movement and in government? "Because I and Sixbert know too much. We know there is a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing. We know they are attempting social engineering on a vast, murderous scale. Why? First, to instill terror. Then to even up the population figures. Look at the Rwandan equation: how can a minority tribe of 1+ million govern a country dominated by a tribe of enemies who outnumber them three to one?" He pauses, and looks back at their lists that litter the table and patio. They want to make it Hutus 50 per cent, Tutsi 50 per cent. But to do that they will have to kill a lot of Hutus." (Sunday Express, April 21, 1996)

Sixbert Musangamfura added: "When I was in charge of civilian intelligence I started to make a list. I had a network of informers, and soon saw that something bad was going on. By the time I left in August 1995, we had the confirmed names, dates and methods of killing of 100,000 people. But the killing still went on after I fled, and we are investigating the fates of another 200,000 people." (Sunday Express, April 21, 1996)

In one of its March 1999 editions, the French newspaper Libération described the disappearance of Collège St André in Kigali. Libération disclosed that more than 100,000 Hutu had been burnt in crematorium created by the RPF in Mutara. SOS Rwanda-Burundi was the first to compile a list of criminals of the RPF.

There have been many more reports of Kagame's atrocities going back into the 1980s and 1990s, including the Kibeho Hutu refugee camp in 1995 to the gunning down or disappearance without a trace of many Tutsi RPF army officers, to the gunning down of journalists and the recent attempt to murder Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa.

8,000 Hutus were massacred by the RPF in the Kibeho camp in southwest of Rwanda in April 1995. The Shariat newspaper, reporting on the gruesome massacre of Hutus in 1995, said:

"Before RPF attacked Rwanda, there was no time in the history of that country when any government ever surrounded defenceless civilians there and bombed dead 8,000 of them as RPF recently did at Kibeho camp in south western Rwanda…"

This is the RPF's Rwanda, the "Singapore of Africa".

END

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Jeudi 12 août 2010 4 12 /08 /Août /2010 10:04
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Kagame et le FPR, ce n'est rien qu'un robot concu, programmé et téléguidé pour accomplir une mission bien précise. Cette mission, comme vous le savez, consistait à faciliter la supression totale de l'influence francaise dans la région des grands lacs pour y installer l'influence anglosaxone afin de pouvoir mettre la main mise sur les très grandes ressources naturelles que rengorge la région et plus particulièrement, la RDC.

Décidement, la mission a coûté très cher pour être réalisée.Quatre présidents ( Melchior Ndadaye,Cyprien Ntalyamira, Habyalimana Juvénal et Mzee Kabila) tous bantou abattus avec consigne d'empêcher tout enquête, un génocide rwandais dont on ne sait pas exactement combien des vies humaines sacrifiées au Rwanda et en déhors du pays sans oublier,biensûr, des millions de congolais victimes de cette barbarie, etc..

Le robot a donc bien fonctionné puisque, malgré toutes les preuves tangiles et disponibles partout, rien ne trouble le sommeil du robot et ses concepteurs. D'ailleurs ils viennent de forcer et de se procurer encore sept ans pour pour que le robot nettoie et balaye ce qu'il n'a pu faire ( vous comprenez la machine à moudre les sorghos) pendant les sept ans écoulés.

On ne change pas l'équipe qui gagne. Avec des moyens incommensurables tant humains, matériels que financiers, aujourd'hui le Rwanda fait partie de la famille commonwealth. Au pays, le Francais a disparu et l'Anglais est arrivée en grande pompe.Partout c'est le boom anglonsaxone dans tous les coins du pays. Partout c'est le yes we did it, the guy is good, what's up, how is going the business, and so on. D'autre part, le Rwanda, bien qu'il n'en produit aucun gramme, il est devenu le carrefour et le centre de négoce des diamants, or, coltan,

Bill Gate, Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, the french doctor Bernard Kouchner(in the system) ainsi que toute la machine anglosaxone savourent traquillement "the achievements of the robot" including tous les marchés dans presque tous les domaines qui se retrouvent appropriés par la communauté anglosaxonne de prés ou de loin. Bref, the robot has accomplished its mission and, again has won keep running in it for more seven years. And in in any circumstances, the robot says: I don't care.

Alors que faire? Faut-il laisser le robot continuer à executer le sale besogne ( ,moudre le sorgho)ou faut -il agir pour le supprimer et le détruire.

Dans le diaspora nous avons des ingénieurs informaticiens. Il faut qu'ils mettent le paquet, collaborent afin de mette au point un virus capable d'empêcher le robot de fonctionner c'est à dire empêcher de tuer, décapiter, torturer, intimider, diaboliser les innocents,etc.

Cette noble tache ne peut être réalisée que par le regroupement inconditionnel de tous ceux qui disent non, non non et non au ce système crée et imposé au peuple rwandais.

A tous ceus qui disent non à ce système qui nous a été imposé, oublions toutes nos quérelles internes, nous avons l'ennemi commun, combatons ensemble comme un seul homme. Le système est fort, il faut des moyens forts et ce n'est rien que notre regroupement.

Chers compatriotes,

Trouvons un cadre de ressemblement depourvu de tout kiga nduga, de Twagiramungu a fait ceci ou cela, unissons nus ensemble et combattons le systeme.

Together we can win, yes we can

Johanes.

 

Lu sur DHR

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Mardi 14 septembre 2010 2 14 /09 /Sep /2010 08:02
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(Grands-Lacs Confidentiel 14/09/2010)
 

Kigali, Rwanda - (GLAC) – Quatre personnalités rwandaises très influentes, des initiés du pouvoir et proches du président rwandais ont demandé à la communauté internationale d’agir ensemble pour mettre fin au régime de Paul Kagame, un régime ethniste, discriminatoire, « contrôlé exclusivement par le groupe minoritaire tutsi »; afin d’ouvrir la voie à l’instauration d’un régime nouveau, inclusif de tous les rwandais et qui respecte les droits de la personne.

Ce rapport de 57 pages, rédigé en anglais et dont Grands-Lacs Confidentiel a obtenu copie, est signé par quatre vrais tutsis, des grandes personnalités de la politique rwandaises qui ont occupé des postes-clés dans le régime de Paul Kagame. Il s’agit de:

General Kayumba Nyamwasa: ancien chef d’État major de l’armée rwandaise et ancien ambassadeur du Rwanda en Inde ;
Colonel Patrick Karegeya: ancien chef des renseignements extérieurs du gouvernement rwandais ;
Docteur Théogène Rudasingwa : ancien secrétaire général du FPR, ex-ambassadeur du Rwanda aux Nations-Unies et ancien Chef d’État-major de la sécurité présidentielle ;
Gerald Gahima : ancien procureur général de la République du Rwanda et vice-président de la cour suprême du Rwanda.

Le Rwanda, selon le rapport, est dirigé par « deux gouvernements parallèles, » l’un « informel et l’autre formel». Les deux gouvernements sont contrôlés par le président et son cercle qui monopolisent le pouvoir politique, marginalisent et excluent le reste de la population rwandaise.



UN REGIME ETHNISTE, DISCRIMINATOIRE, UN APARTHEID EN DEVENIR

Ce rapport rédigé par des vrais tutsi, quatre anciens initiés du régime du criminel de Paul Kagame, transcende le carcan ethniste qui ensanglante le Rwanda depuis des décennies. Il met en lumière ce que tous les grands analystes et observateurs spécialistes de la région de Grands-Lacs africains savaient : la raison principale pour laquelle Paul Kagame a décidé de prendre le pouvoir à Kigali par un bain de sang, est d’instaurer un régime exclusivement tutsi.

« Marginalisation, exclusion de la majorité hutu » sont des mots que les auteurs ont bien choisi pour décrier l’apartheid pratiqué contre les hutu au Rwanda. Sans passer par quatre chemins, le rapport dénonce le caractère autoritaire du plus grand criminel africain de tous le temps caractérisé par un gouvernement dont le pouvoir se trouve dans les mains du président, d’une poignée d’officiers militaires et de quelques civils.

Le rapport donne des éclaircissements à ce sujet à la page 15 :

« Le gouvernement rwandais est dominé par la minorité tutsi qui constitue le noyau dur qui contrôle le véritable pouvoir au Rwanda. Les tutsi sont disproportionnellement représentés dans les institutions de l’État qui sont responsables de l’usage coercitif du pouvoir. Les tutsis dominent le commandement militaire et la sécurité des institutions. Le contrôle de ces institutions est crucial pour maintenir la dictature de Paul Kagame.

Les tutsis sont disproportionnellement représentés dans les principales nominations-clés faites par le Président Kagame et son noyau dur à tous les niveaux du gouvernement. La majorité de la population hutu voit que le gouvernement est dominé par les Tutsi et que le gouvernement discrimine les Hutu. Le FPR a échoué d’établir un ordre politique inclusif au détriment d’un pouvoir autoritaire de la minorité tutsi.

La communauté majoritaire hutu est marginalisée de tout partage significatif du pouvoir. Les hutu qui servent dans le gouvernement sont des substituts ou des valets du FPR qui manquent de légitimité dans la communauté hutu. Ces hutus sont gardés à leurs postes pour une courte période pour la seule raison de donner au gouvernement une apparence qui embrasse le pluralisme politique. La communauté majoritaire hutu perçoit le FPR comme un instrument politique de domination de la minorité. Le gouvernement n’est pas considéré légitime par la majorité de la population en général et plus particulièrement par la communauté de la majorité hutu. »

Le noyau dur du groupe qui contrôle l’État du Rwanda ne représente pas et n’agit même pas pour les intérêts de la communauté tutsi.

Le rapport de 57 pages est un appel à la Communauté Internationale de poser les vrais fondements de la démocratie au Rwanda, en partant de valeurs nouvelles qui visent à rassembler tout le peuple rwandais (Hutu, Tutsi et Twa), seul moyen d’éviter la répétition de la tragédie de 1994. Le rapport lance un appel pour « l’inévitable changement de la situation politique au Rwanda ( Change in Rwanda’s political situation is inevitable) » pour prévenir des violences généralisées et un bain de sang sectaire.


Un régime répressif:

Les services de renseignement du régime du dictateur Kagame ont poussé plus loin la répression des opposants politiques en élargissant la sphère de leurs opérations du réseau d’assassinats au delà des frontières du Rwanda. Les quatre tutsis rédacteurs du document citent les cas tels que Deo Mushayidi kidnappé au Burundi, la tentative manquée d’assassinat du général Kayumba Nyamwasa en Afrique du Sud, la tentative d’enlèvement en Ouganda des journalistes Dominique Makeli et Jean-Bosco Gasasira.


Les investigations de Grands-Lacs Confidentiel dans les régions de Byumba, Gitarama, Bugarama, Ruhengeri et le sud de la région de Butare révèlent un système fondé sur l’ignominie, les intimidations, les menaces de morts, les assassinats ciblés ; un apartheid en devenir.

Les mécanismes du système judiciaire local « Agacaca » institués sur chaque colline du Rwanda, a une plus grande mission, celle d’avoir le contrôle « total et éternel » sur tous les hutu, même dans le coin le plus reculé du pays.

Citons un exemple réel et concret partout au Rwanda : La question de terre étant très épineuse au Rwanda, le régime du criminel Paul Kagame encourage les tutsis à usurper les terres des hutus et toute protestation ou recours à la justice est vite tourné en accusation de génocidaire contre le plaignant. Des faux témoins sont alors montés et les accusations fondées de toute pièce sont bricolées. Très souvent, le plaignant finit par être enlevé la nuit et tué sans possibilité de retrouver son corps.

L’arbitraire de ce système du vainqueur jugeant le vaincu, est en fait un moyen d’établir et de faire respecter de force l’autorité de Paul Kagame dans le pays. Ainsi, le peuple hutu qui est dès le départ étiqueté de génocidaire, ne peut pas s’identifier à ce système qui le condamne d’emblée.

Nous présentons ci-dessous quelques extraits traduits par l’équipe de Grands-Lacs Confidentiel à partir de la page 21.



===============



La déconstruction des mythes kagamites


Mythe 1 : Kagame est un penseur exemplaire et stratégique et un leader visionnaire :

Le Président kagame est souvent décrit par ses admirateurs comme étant un leader visionnaire ayant une exceptionnelle pensée stratégique. Au contraire, le président Kagame est chef sans pitié et irresponsable.

Ses décisions, même sur des sujets qui ont de graves conséquences, sont souvent guidées par sa cupidité plutôt que par autre chose. Le président Kagame commet souvent des erreurs de proportions phénoménales qui ont des conséquences terribles pour le peuple rwandais.

La gravité des responsabilités du président Kagame dans quelques décisions désastreuses a été confirmée, par exemple pour le cas de ses décisions concernant la République Démocratique du Congo.

Son traitement condescendant et humiliant du président Laurent Désiré Kabila a inutilement fait du président Kabila un ennemi qui a alors commencé à soutenir les insurgents qui faisaient la guerre contre le Rwanda. La décision malavisée et fatidique de lancer la seconde invasion de la RDC (une décision guidée par le dépit plus que par n’importe quel autre facteur, et contre laquelle se trouvaient certains de ses proches conseillers) a eu des conséquences catastrophiques pour le peuple rwandais et le peuple de la République démocratique du Congo. L’invasion a empêché la RDC de se remettre, a déstabilisé encore plus la région des Grands lacs, a couté des millions de vies de rwandais et congolais innocents et a provoqué des haines anti-Rwanda qui seront une source d’insécurité pour le Rwanda pour des générations à venir.

Le refus aveugle du président Kagame, d’accepter un arrangement de partage de pouvoir avec les partis hutu modérés après le génocide et de permettre une transition vers une vraie démocratie a ruiné tout effort pour trouver une solution pacifique et durable au conflit rwandais. Son refus de tenir pour responsables les membres de l’Armée Patriotique rwandaise (APR) qui avaient commis des abus des droits humains pendant et après le génocide, a encouragé l’impunité. La responsabilité du président Kagame pour les abus de droits humains et sa tolérance pour ces abus par certains de ses officiers a sapé la crédibilité du FPR (Front Patriotique Rwandais). L’impunité pour les abus des droits humains est une empêchement significatif qui bloque la réconciliation nationale et la paix durable.

La poursuite du président Kagame pour la présidence a sapé les efforts du FPR pour étendre sa base et construire une constituante dans la communauté hutu et a condamné le FPR au statut d’un parti représentant les intérêts d’une minorité ethnique qui ne peut rester au pouvoir que par la force. Le harcèlement systématique des leaders hutu légitimes qui faisaient partie du gouvernement de transition a eu pour résultat de les faire partir en exil. Les plus malchanceux ont été assassinés et quelques uns sont marginalisés et bannis au Rwanda. Pendant ce temps, Paul Kagame s’est occupé de recruter des leaders imaginaires et compromis pour les partis qui appartenaient à la transition. Essentiellement les partis ont été détruits par force ou par compromis des leaders non représentatifs. En même temps le FPR a coopté, recruté et forcé des membres d’autres partis à rejoindre ses rangs par des emplois prometteurs, de l’argent ou du recrutement forcé et par des menaces de mort.



Mythe 2 : Kagame est un homme incorruptible, austère et d’une intégrité absolue :

Le président Kagame et ses maitres travaillent dur pour le décrire comme étant un homme incorruptible, austère et d’une intégrité absolue. La réalité ne pourrait être plus différente.[…]

Le président Kagame est un chef absolu dont le pouvoir absolu n’a pas seulement corrompu lui-même, mais l’état rwandais tout entier d’une façon systématique, pernicieuse et profonde. […]

Personne parmi les membres honnêtes du FPR n’aurait imaginé que l’organisation deviendrait un jour un parti qui vénérerait son leader comme une idole, bannirait l’activité de partis d’opposition, réduirait au silence la presse et la société civile, volerait des votes et autoriserait des abus des droits humains contre des citoyens innocents pour lesquels personne n’est appelé à répondre devant la loi. […]

Le président Kagame a aussi commis des manipulations financières malhonnêtes et le vol des ressources publiques à grande échelle. Contrairement à la fausse perception que les étrangers naïfs ont de lui, le président Kagame n’essaie même pas de donner l’image d’un leader austère, encore moins de vivre comme un leader austère. L’austérité serait de vivre selon les moyens du pays. Le président Kagame a un style de vie que même les gens les plus riches du monde trouveraient extravagant. […]

Le président Kagame, par contre, vit en même temps de façon prodigue et ostentatoire et est un lourd poids sur le trésor national. Le gouvernement rwandais dépense des dizaines de millions de dollars chaque année pour ses dépenses personnelles. Il conduit des voitures très chères, dont il a une grande flotte à tout moment. Il change cette flotte très fréquemment pour profiter du luxe de chaque nouveau modèle. Il est obsédé par les avions de luxe et a dépensé plus de 150 millions de dollars sur de tels avions. Le président Kagame adore voyager et voyage très souvent. Quand il voyage il insiste pour aller dans les hôtels les plus chers dans chaque ville ou il va.

Pendant sa vie publique, le président Kagame a amassé une fortune qui dépasse l’imagination pour le chef d’un pays aussi pauvre. La fortune est tirée du trésor national et des investissements d’affaires du FPR. Le FPR est la plus grande entreprise commerciale au Rwanda. Certains pensent que ça pourrait être en fait la plus grande entreprise commerciale dans l’Afrique de l’Est et l’Afrique centrale. Les compagnies qui s’occupent du vaste réseau d’investissements du FPR sont Tri-Star Investments et le Rwanda Investment Group. Le FPR a des investissements d’une valeur d’au moins plusieurs centaines de millions de dollars. Le portfolio du FPR inclut des investissements dans l’aviation, les banques, l’agriculture, les télécommunications, l’énergie, la construction, l’immobilier, la sécurité, les communications et l’industrie (incluant l’industrie alimentaire, la production de ciment etc). Les biens du FPR sont à toute fins pratiques, la richesse personnelle du président Kagame. Le FPR n’a pas de comité ou organisme qui surveille ses biens. Le président Kagame dépense et gère la vaste richesse du FPR à lui seul. Lui-même désigne les gestionnaires des diverses entreprises du FPR. Il décide en quels noms les comptes en banque du FPR vont être maintenus. Lui seul décide comment les fonds de ces comptes vont être dépensés. Les personnes dont le nom apparait sur les comptes bancaires répondent seulement au président Kagame. Seulement le président Kagame a de l’information sur l’état complet des investissements du FPR. Le président Kagame ne rend jamais de compte à aucun des organes du FPR sur les affaires financières des entreprises du FPR. Le président a toujours ignoré les demandes pour une vérification transparente des affaires du FPR.

La richesse énorme amassée par le FPR pendant son temps au gouvernement est pour toute fin pratique la propriété personnelle du président Kagame, et il la traite ainsi. […]

Le rôle du FPR dans certaines entreprises (comme l’exploitation des ressources de la RDC) est parfois en violation de la loi internationale.

A part la vaste fortune du FPR, le président Kagame a aussi un accès illimité aux ressources financières de l’état. Le président Kagame traite le trésor national comme son compte en banque personnel. […]



Mythe 3 : Kagame comme leader réformateur et unificateur.

Les observateurs non informés croient que les président Paul Kagame est un leader réformateur et unificateur. […]

Les réformes que le Rwanda a entreprises sous la direction du président Kagame n’adressent pas les causes du conflit rwandais. Le président Kagame ne croit pas aux concepts de la démocratie, à l’application de la loi, à la séparation des pouvoirs. Il ne croit pas au pouvoir des idées. Kagame comme tout dictateur parle de démocratie sans y croire et refuse de respecter ou pratiquer ses éléments essentiels. Il rejette de manière flagrante tous les principes de la gouvernance démocratique. Kagame refuse aussi de reconnaitre que les conflits basés sur l’identité peuvent seulement être résolus par des compromis politiques qui aboutissent à des systèmes inclusifs. Le président fait seulement confiance à la force et à la répression pour atteindre ses objectifs politiques.

L’état rwandais ne s’est pas corrigé; il est même devenu encore plus dangereux puisqu’il est dans les mains d’une minorité restreinte qui peut seulement diriger par la répression et la terreur. Comme conséquence de l’opposition véhémente de Kagame aux vraies réformes politiques, le gouvernement rwandais manque de légitimité dans la communauté hutu. La base électorale « naturelle » du FPR formé d’une minorité tutsi digne de confiance s’effondre. Le président Kagame est devenu une figure polarisante dont la gouvernance continue est certaine de perpétuer le conflit et de conduire à de nouvelles violences (même de proportions génocidaires) dans les années à venir. […]

Le président Kagame est un employeur extrêmement émotionnel, imprévisible, abusif et physiquement violent. […]

Autres mythes et fausses opinions

En Ouganda, Paul Kagame était connu pour être tyrannique, irrationnel, pour le mauvais traitement de ses subordonnés et la torture des suspects – ce qui lui valait le surnom de « Pilate ». […]

Il y a d’innombrables rwandais qui sont capables d’aider à sortir ce pays de la ruine à laquelle il semble destiné. Le destin d’une nation ne devrait pas dépendre des lubies et caprices d’un seul homme. Le président Kagame n’est ni indispensable, ni irremplaçable pour la stabilité et le développement. Il n’est pas non plus invincible. Au contraire, il est un blocage pour la transition vers la démocratie, la paix durable et la stabilité au Rwanda. Il est une personnalité polarisante dont la poursuite du pouvoir absolu, sans rendre de comptes à personne, conduit le Rwanda vers une ruine certaine.

Il est aussi un facteur de déstabilisation dans la région des Grands lacs. L’ego gigantesque du président Kagame, son attitude autoritaire envers les leaders de la RDC, sa compréhension limitée de la situation, ses ambitions irréalistes de contrôler les événements (et probablement les ressources) d’un pays voisin riche et plus grand et sa lecture défectueuse de la dynamique régionale ont conduit à la deuxième guerre (non nécessaire et désastreuse) au Congo. Cette deuxième invasion de la RDC a été un pari désastreux qui a couté la vie à des millions de personnes innocentes, a causé la souffrance humaine à une échelle horrible, incluant le viol de centaines de milliers de femmes et de filles. Bien que la Communauté International ait éventuellement fait assez de pressions pour forcer le Rwanda à retirer ses troupes du Congo, le Rwanda a continué de fomenter la guerre au Congo par procuration. […]

En bref le président Kagame est le facteur déstabilisant pour le Rwanda et pour la région des Grands lacs. Les politiques que continue de poursuivre le président Kagame sont au détriment de la paix et de la sécurité internationales.

Le dilemme auquel le Rwanda et la région font face n’est pas de savoir s’ils peuvent survivre sans Kagame, mais plutôt de savoir s’ils peuvent survivre à l’implosion inévitable qui les attend si Kagame reste au pouvoir.



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Le rapport termine en préconisant un Rwanda libre, de bonne gouvernance, qui respecte la loi, la démocratie et le partage de la prospérité à tout son peuple ; seul ciment qui peut consolider les groupes ethniques du Rwanda pour qu’ils vivent ensemble dans la paix.


le 12 septembre 2010

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